In search for an enforcement strategy for the Common European Asylum System

By Salvatore Nicolosi

The reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is one of the major regulatory challenges to the European Union (EU), which has continuously attracted academic attention (Nicolosi, 2019). Less consideration has been given to the dynamics of enforcement of that policy. Yet, this is a crucial issue,  as acknowledged by the European Commission, the migratory pressure of the most recent years stressed the ‘structural weaknesses and shortcomings in the design and implementation of European asylum and migration policy.’ Apart from a ‘protracted implementation deficit,’ EU asylum law has been suffering from a ‘protracted compliance deficit’ (Thym, 2017). This makes the need for a more effective enforcement strategy all the more urgent. This post, therefore, aims to explain whether EU direct enforcement mechanisms can be more effective than traditional forms of enforcement by State authorities. 

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Protecting the Crown Jewels: Covid-19 and the EU Foreign Direct Investment Screening Regulation

By Thomas Verellen

Covid-19 represents a shock to global capital flows. As companies see the value of their assets tumble, they may become attractive targets to foreign investors – in particular, state-backed foreign investors less exposed to the economic fallout of the pandemic. To address what has been described as ‘opportunistic investment behaviour’ and – less euphemistically – ‘predatory buying’ practices, jurisdictions with well-established foreign investment screening mechanisms such as Australia and Canada have tightened scrutiny: the Australian government has reduced the value threshold for screening of all foreign investments to zero dollars, and the government of Canada has announced it will subject public health related investments and all investments by state-owned investors, regardless of their sector of activity, to enhanced scrutiny. 

For the European Union, Covid-19 came at an interesting time. The EU recently introduced its own FDI screening framework – a mechanism which leaves the ultimate decision-making power over individual investments with Member State screening authorities, but which sets up a framework for cooperation between EU and Member State authorities. The framework will go live on 11 October 2020 and thus was not operational when the pandemic hit in the spring of 2020. Against this backdrop, this blog post explores how the EU has responded to the Covid-19 crisis and in particular to the aforementioned risk of predatory buying that flows from the pandemic’s impact on asset prices. Given the multi-level set up of the EU’s approach to FDI screening, an analysis of the EU response to this risk needs to take into account developments at both the EU and Member State levels. This blog post focusses on the EU side of the equation. 

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Not letting the COVID-19 crisis go to waste, ensuring the effective enforcement of the European value of the rule of law in Hungary during times of Corona

By Kees Cath

In this post Kees Cath argues in respect to the situation in Hungary that the European Commission should act without any delay to prevent further rule of law backsliding. The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own point of view and do not represent the government’s official position.

Orbán an unlikely student of Jean Monnet? 

“People only accept change when they are faced with necessity and only recognize necessity when crisis is upon them.”

Paraphrased, Jean Monnet seemed to underline the age-old adagio “never waste a good crisis”. There have been plenty of crises within the EU. Over the past few years the Union is engaged in what seems addressing one crisis after the other, from the Euro-crisis to the migration-crisis and from the Brexit-crisis to the Corona-crisis. 

Yet there seems to have been one European leader – though not evidently a student of Jean Monnet – that ironically did follow this advice scrupulously, yet erroneously. The changes instituted by the Orbán government are more far reaching, and have the effect of (further) undermining the Hungarian democracy. By amongst others declaring a state of emergency, ruling by decree indefinitely – with only the Fidesz two-thirds majority in parliament to provide for a possible check or reverse – Orbán has effectively legalized his (informal) hold over the Hungarian state. Within a package of already far reaching emergency measures the high penalties for spreading ‘fake news’ stand out as particularly disheartening. Even if no journalist is (ever) sentenced, the chilling effect on an already crippled media landscape, can be further reason for alarm. With Hungary effectively in lock-down, public demonstrations against the measures, as were visible against the 2018 elections or the 2019 ‘slave law’, seem impossible. So what has happened and who has been able to respond, and if so in what way?

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Burgerforum Duurzaamheidsinitiatieven. Een oplossing voor het democratische tekort van de Wet ruimte voor duurzaamheidsinitiatieven

Nelly Wisse en Eveline Neele

In februari 2013 maakten organisaties uit de pluimveesector, de kippenvlees-verwerkende industrie en supermarkten afspraken over de productie van kippenvlees. De duurzame ‘Kip van Morgen’ zou het regulier geproduceerde kippenvlees in het basisassortiment van supermarkten in 2020 volledig gaan vervangen. De Autoriteit Consument en Markt (ACM) kwam echter tot de conclusie dat de consument niet bereid was om meer te betalen voor de ogenschijnlijk beperkte verbeteringen op het gebied van dierenwelzijn en milieu. De Kip van Morgen was volgens ACM een onaanvaardbare beperking van de concurrentie. Het initiatief kwam daardoor niet tot stand. De Kip van Morgen laat zien dat er een spanningsveld bestaat tussen de ontwikkeling van duurzaamheidsinitiatieven en het mededingingsrecht. De ACM verbiedt initiatieven die de economische toets niet kunnen doorstaan, terwijl deze gezien de gewenste ontwikkeling naar een meer duurzame samenleving niet verboden zouden moeten worden. 

De huidige regering zag dit spanningsveld als aanleiding om op 9 juli 2019 de Wet ruimte voor duurzaamheidsinitiatieven in te dienen bij de Tweede Kamer. Op basis van dit wetsvoorstel kunnen ondernemingen die een duurzaamheidsinitiatief ontwikkelen de minister verzoeken de gemaakte afspraken te vertalen in regelgeving. De minister moet vervolgens afwegen of het stellen van regels het algemeen belang dient. Wanneer dit volgens de minister het geval is,  wordt een algemene maatregel van bestuur – mogelijk verder uitgewerkt in een ministeriële regeling – opgesteld. Hierdoor wordt het duurzaamheidsinitiatief regelgeving en valt het buiten de reikwijdte van het mededingingsrecht, waardoor het bovenstaande spanningsveld wordt opgelost. 

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How Covid-19 reveals the tensions between the EU’s Single Market and the protection of public health

By Sybe de Vries

Erst kommt das Fressen, dann kommt die Moral (Bertold Brecht, 1928)

During these almost surreal weeks questions were frequently raised in the media and in politics why the EU Member States (and globally) have adopted different measures and strategies to contain the spread of the Corona virus. Especially within the context of the EU one may have expected a common approach to fight Covid-19. On the contrary, some even argued that Corona rather reveals the relatively poor status of European cooperation.

The problem in Europe is that the field of health is in principle a matter for the Member States. In most cases the EU could only adopt supportive action.  Whereas paragraph 1 of Article 168 TFEU reiterates that a high level of health protection shall be ensured in the definition and implementation of all Union policies and activities, paragraphs 5 and 7 stipulate that harmonisation of national laws to protect and improve human health is excluded, and that management, organisation and delivery of medical care and health services are a matter and responsibility for the Member States. In other words, according to Article 6 TFEU, the protection and improvement of human health belongs to the EU’s supplementary competences.

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Obligations to accommodate irregular migrants: will the local bed-bath-bread facilities survive?

By Paul Minderhoud

1. Introduction

Thousands of irregular migrants reside in the Netherlands. This number includes migrants who have exhausted all legal remedies and whose claim to stay is rejected and therefore must leave the Netherlands on their own initiative. Since 2019, those who do not immediately do so can – for a certain period – be accommodated in one of the five recently established National Aliens Facility locations (Landelijke Vreemdelingenvoorzieningen, LVV) in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Utrecht, Eindhoven and Groningen, supervised by the Repatriation & Departure Service of the Ministry of Justice and Security in cooperation with municipalities. These LVVs are an addition to the  so-called central freedom-limiting location (Vrijheidsbeperkende Locatie, VBL), based in Ter Apel and are currently still in a pilot stage. It is the intention to extend the number of LVVs to eight locations. Migrants who are accommodated in these LVVs will have to cooperate in finding a lasting solution to their situation, which in most cases means they have to return. The existing local bed-bath-bread facilities in these municipalities and, in time, in all municipalities, must be closed. But is this closure possible in light of international obligations? Do the plans really result in ending this form of municipal facilities?

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Google versus uitgevers – You ain’t seen nothing yet

By Stefan Kulk

Het persuitgeversrecht behoort samen met het ‘uploadfilter’ tot de meest controversiële onderwerpen in de auteursrechtrichtlijn die dit voorjaar werd aangenomen. Het persuitgeversrecht is een nieuw naburig recht voor uitgevers van perspublicaties dat specifiek betrekking heeft op het ‘onlinegebruik van hun perspublicaties door aanbieders van diensten van de informatiemaatschappij’. Zonder een eigen naburig recht is het voor persuitgevers een hele klus om aan te tonen dat zij beschikken over de auteursrechten op de vele online artikelen die zij publiceren. Uitgevers kunnen bovendien niet altijd over auteursrechten op artikelen beschikken als zij werken met freelancejournalisten. Dat alles maakt het moeilijk voor uitgevers om hun investeringen terug te verdienen en hun maatschappelijke functie als facilitators van een vrije en pluralistische pers te vervullen. Daarvoor was dus een nieuw zelfstandig exclusief recht voor persuitgevers nodig.

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Podcasten in de Wetenschap: Een Aantal Ervaringen na Zes Maanden

By Willem Janssen

Laat ik maar gelijk met de deur in huis vallen. Veel wetenschappelijke kennis komt niet terecht op de plek waar het de meeste impact heeft. Mening wetenschapper zal dit herkennen vanuit zijn of haar eigen vakgebied. Het is in ieder geval een waarheid als een koe voor de mijne; het Europees en Nederlands aanbestedingsrecht. Veel ontwikkelingen en maatschappelijke discussies zouden echter wel baat hebben van kennis uit de wetenschap.

Duidelijk is ook dat het overbruggen van het gat tussen de universiteit en de praktijk een uitdaging blijft. Net als veel van mijn collega’s blog ik daarom graag en schrijf ik een maandelijkse column. Daarnaast wakker ik op Twitter en LinkedIn discussies aan over maatschappelijk thema’s, die relateren aan mijn onderzoek. Ik beleef daar veel plezier aan en haal er motivatie voor toekomstige onderzoeksprojecten uit. En soms komen er zelfs nieuwe inzichten uit voort. Ook voor mijn onderzoek is het dus waardevol.

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Implementing the right to erasure: the judgment of the EU Court of Justice in Google v CNIL

By Cedric Ryngaert and Mistale Taylor

On 24 September 2019, the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) rendered its judgment in Google v CNIL on the geographic scope of implementation of the right to erasure (also known as the right to be forgotten or the right to be de-referenced). The judgment has received substantial media coverage (see, e.g.here and here), but press reports have paid little attention to its legal nuances. This blogpost provides such legal analysis, and reflects on the jurisdictional aspects of the judgment, in particular on the territorial reach of decisions to de-reference search results. The post argues that the CJEU deserves credit for displaying jurisdictional reasonableness, and on that basis rejecting an obligation for search operators to de-reference search results on all versions of their search engine. However, the CJEU pays conspicuous deference to EU Member State authorities, and gives little specific guidance as to how exactly these authorities are to determine the scope of implementation of the right to erasure.  

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The European Citizens’ Initiative – Direct Democracy as a parallel to parliamentary democracy?

By Hanneke van Eijken and Simona de Heer

EU citizens have a political right to submit an initiative for new legislation to the European Commission. This is called the European citizens’ initiative, enshrined in Article 11 TEU, and further regulated in Regulation 211/2011. This form of direct, participatory democracy could be seen as a tool to foster citizen participation and to bring the EU closer to its citizens. It was introduced in the Lisbon Treaty as a response to even out the EU’s democratic deficit. Recent citizens’ initiatives cover issues as climate changeeducation for children with disabilities and evaluation mechanisms to see whether Member States adhere to European values

From a regulatory perspective it is interesting to see whether regulation of direct democracy through the introduction of the EU citizens’ initiative is an effective tool for strengthening democracy and where its pitfalls lie. Since its introduction the citizens’ initiative has been subject to criticism as to its effectiveness. Currently, the European citizens’ initiative is being reformed. This raises questions about the effectiveness of the reformed citizens’ initiative and how it relates to parliamentary democracy. First, the weaknesses of the current citizens’ initiative will be discussed. Secondly, the reform and its achievements will be elaborated on. Finally, the relationship between parliamentary democracy and direct democracy will be examined.

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